Apparently, members of the U.S. Congress are discussing recognizing Somaliland as a state separate from Somalia. This would be a change in policy.
Why recognize Somaliland as a separate state? Well, in 1991, Somaliland (led by the Isaaq clans) claimed it was no longer part of Somalia. Since around 2000—with Ethiopia’s help—the northwestern strip of Somalia (lying between Ethiopia and the sea) has functioned more or less as a separate state. Mogadishu claims Somaliland as sovereign territory but cannot control it, nor can Mogadishu control Puntland (which is still plagued by pirates and Islamists). The UN has a peacekeeping force in Somalia with 11,900 authorized troops.
Somaliland has held several democratic elections—in other words, it has a working political system. It has a police force. It has tried to halt terrorism, piracy, and smuggling within its borders, with some verifiable success. At a minimum, some House members want to establish a more formal U.S. diplomatic mission in Somaliland. One U.S. senator wants to formally recognize Somaliland as a sovereign state. The pro-Somaliland representatives contend an independent Somaliland would counter Chinese influence in the Horn of Africa region.
No doubt Ethiopia is urging the U.S. to recognize Somaliland as a separate state. In 2024, Ethiopia outraged Somalia by leasing a strip of land in Somaliland. Ethiopia is landlocked and wants a seaport. In fact, with around one hundred million people, Ethiopia is the most populous landlocked country in the world.
However, since the end of the Cold War, the U.S. has backed the territorial integrity of Somalia—Mogadishu’s Somalia. This is also the African Union’s (AU) position, as well as China’s. For almost 40 years, Somalia has been an anarchic mess—with clans fighting vicious street wars, Somali socialist-communists aligned with the USSR fighting everyone, Ethiopia involved (in part fighting a war with Ogaden region separatists), assorted radical Islamists (including Al Qaeda, ISIL, and Al Shabaab), and AU and UN intervention forces. In an essay written in 2002, StrategyPage’s Austin Bay called Somalia “the planet’s foremost failed state.”
But three years ago, the situation began to improve. Since 2022, the Mogadishu government has shown some stability. Elections were held, and the results were certified. A new parliament formed, and a new president was elected. The parliament met and approved the president’s selection of a new prime minister. In 2024, Turkey signed a 10-year defense agreement with the Mogadishu government, agreeing to help guard the Somali coastline and rebuild Somalia’s naval forces.
Clans dominate Somali life and politics, which means even in the best of times, Somalia is a country constantly grappling with divisive factional and regional interests. Loyalty to clan still trumps national unity. Overcoming this kind of family-culture factionalism is very difficult. Somaliland claims it has balanced clan loyalty with democratic values. Through its Guurti, or Council of Elders, clan elders negotiate clan issues (and presumably other domestic issues) using “traditional mediation and conflict resolution mechanisms.” The Guurti operates as the upper chamber of Somaliland’s parliament. According to Somaliland’s media, the Guurti acts as a stabilizing force within Somaliland’s democratic government and is a “foundation” within the system. Or at least that’s the claim. If the Guurti rejects legislation from the House of Representatives (the lower chamber), the House of Representatives prevails if a two-thirds majority vetoes the Guurti’s rejection.